This story is not new—it has been going on for years, and economic operators in Menabe have long suffered its effects. Recently, however, the situation has worsened. It all began in the rural municipality of Ankilizato before spreading to other districts within the Menabe Region. Communal and regional authorities, economic operators, and regional trade services are all aware of the actions of a former Member of Parliament. While some have raised concerns, no one—until recently—has dared to challenge the situation, fearing retaliation.
It All Started in Ankilizato
Ankilizato is a rural municipality blessed with vast fertile plains and abundant water sources, making it ideal for rice and maize production. Located 90 kilometers east of Morondava—the capital of Menabe—and 45 kilometers east of Mahabo, the district capital, it is crossed by National Road 34. At first glance, Ankilizato appears to be a municipality undergoing transformation. Large, painted, cemented houses, most with at least one upper floor, give the town a modernized look. We witnessed this development firsthand during the past three years. Clearly, the municipality has economic potential and exploitable resources.
Ankilizato now has electricity supplied by the Migodo hydroelectric plant, providing power for both public lighting and domestic use. Access to clean drinking water in the town center has also been improved thanks to seven boreholes drilled by a Chinese company, with operations officially beginning on August 17. Borehole exploitation in Ankilizato began in February 2019.
And yet, for many, the name “Ankilizato” immediately conjures thoughts of one family’s stranglehold over product collection and transport in the region. Since 2005, when the late Georges Raveloson, father of the current collector, was elected mayor, his son—Ludovic Raveloson, also known as Leva or “Depiote Leva”—has progressively monopolized product collection, starting with rice and later expanding to maize. Over time, no other operator has been allowed to collect rice in the municipality, even when fully compliant with legal and administrative requirements.
Mr. Raveloson is said to have employed various tactics to establish this monopoly: leveraging his father’s political power during his term as mayor, mobilizing private militias, and offering loans to farmers during lean seasons. He reportedly weakened farmers’ bargaining power by purchasing rice still in the field, paying only a portion of its value based on visual inspection. The final price, upon harvest, would then be unilaterally set by him.
No Dues Paid, According to Officials
Numerous individuals interviewed during this investigation claim Mr. Raveloson pays no collection fees to the Ankilizato municipality, nor to any other administrative body—district or regional. Gilbert Romain, former head of the Menabe Region, told us he had “never seen a single record of Mr. Leva paying royalties to the regional treasury.” Le Blanc, first deputy mayor of Malaimbandy, echoed this claim, stating, “This operator doesn’t pay anything to our commune.”
Only the mayor of Ankilivalo, Kaajaowalter Gabriel, claimed that Mr. Raveloson paid royalties to his municipality. However, despite multiple attempts, we were unable to obtain any documentary evidence of such payments. Repeated visits to Ankilivalo yielded no meetings with either the mayor or the municipality’s financial officer.
Sources within the commune, speaking under condition of anonymity, stated they had seen no record of any dues paid. The one exception was the local economic checkpoint officer, who claimed the former MP did pay the required fees. If these fees are indeed unpaid, local government bodies—communes and the region alike—are deprived of vital funds. Yet by law, these authorities are entitled to demand payment.
In an interview with Mr. Raveloson, he stated that he collects between 2,500 and 4,000 tons of maize annually, depending on weather conditions. Given the legally required royalty of 5 ariary per kilogram of maize, the estimated annual loss across his five collection sites could amount to as much as 20 million ariary.
The Monopoly Expands
Mr. Raveloson ran for parliament in the 2013 legislative elections and won. With political power, his influence—and his business interests—expanded across the region. He signed a major supply contract with a leading beverage company in Madagascar. Despite this growth, his monopolistic tactics reportedly remained unchanged: no other operators were permitted to collect maize in his area of control, even if they held valid permits.
“I categorically refuse to let other operators collect maize in areas where I distribute seeds,” the former MP told us. According to multiple accounts, farmers who receive maize seeds from him are required to sign exclusive collection agreements. Securing a copy of such a contract proved difficult; the Ankilivalo commune office had none. Mr. Raveloson’s parliamentary aide, who reportedly holds all contracts, promised to provide one.
But do all maize farmers in Mahabo, Morondava, and villages like Ankoraobato really obtain seeds from Mr. Raveloson? Why do so many stakeholders appear to accept these questionable practices? Can a simple contract justify a monopoly over an entire production sector? Legally, a contract only binds its signatories and does not authorize anyone to monopolize an industry. The fear among farmers is palpable. No one dares to speak openly about the true nature of their dealings with the former MP, or the contents of the contracts they allegedly signed. None of the farmers we met in Sarodrano, Ankilivalo, Ankilizato, or Ankoraobato claimed to possess a copy.
The “EMMOREG” Militia
The name “EMMOREG” is well known in Menabe—but not in reference to the regional security command. Locals, particularly in Malaimbandy and Mahabo, use the name to describe a group of young men allegedly supported by Mr. Raveloson. The exact size of this group remains unclear: some sources mention over 20 members, others suggest 30. Mr. Raveloson told us he employs three to five young men for his personal security, whom he refers to as “Kalony.”
Local officials and police in Mahabo are aware of the existence of this group, which reportedly acts as a private militia for the former MP. Every member is said to be armed with a firearm. Their role appears to go beyond security—they allegedly intimidate both rival operators and producers.
Many reported that transporting rice or maize out of Mr. Raveloson’s territory is practically forbidden. Residents risk being stopped, forced to unload their goods, and pay arbitrary fines—or face violence. While rice collection may have become somewhat more flexible, the monopoly on maize remains rigid.
A widely known incident in Mahabo occurred in May 2017: an operator from Morondava attempted to collect goods in Magnamby, a village in Ampanihy. His workers were chased off and their scale destroyed. Days earlier, a meeting with the Morondava prefect and Mahabo district chief had been held to promote market liberalization. Nevertheless, the “EMMOREG,” allegedly led by Mr. Raveloson’s son, detained one of the Morondava operator’s collaborators. Mr. Raveloson was reportedly present during the confrontation. The detained individual, returning from a remote area with goods he had purchased, was forced to offload and sell them at a loss—leaving him heavily indebted.
In another case, an operator transporting maize from Magnamby was reportedly shot at. He retained the shell casings as proof. These are just two examples—many others in the region claim to have suffered similar treatment at Mr. Raveloson’s hands.
A Mayor’s Stand—and Retaliation
The mayor of Bemanonga, located 8 km east of Morondava, openly refused to let the former MP operate in his jurisdiction due to his refusal to pay royalties. “I do not authorize Mr. Leva to sell or collect products in my commune until he pays his dues,” the mayor told us.
On January 26, 2017, Mr. Raveloson allegedly entered the commune with his “EMMOREG” militia in three armed 4×4 vehicles. The mayor was forced to flee and take shelter with local residents. Witnesses reported that Mr. Raveloson’s son carried two handguns, which he displayed publicly. Local authorities attempted mediation by calling in the official EMMOREG forces. The incident is well known among journalists and residents alike.
These practices hurt not only competing operators but also local governments, which often lack the funds to function properly. Civil servants are sometimes left unpaid. When we asked communes for data on the volume of goods collected by Mr. Raveloson, none could provide figures. His teams allegedly purchase goods directly at markets and move them freely.
Two rice trucks reportedly leave Malaimbandy twice a week during harvest season. In Ankilivalo, four trucks of maize reportedly depart daily between April and July—each truck capable of carrying up to 40 tons.
Climate of Fear
Our investigation was repeatedly hampered by fear. One operator in Ankilizato, allegedly brutalized by the “EMMOREG,” refused to speak with us, fearing for his life.
Even four economic checkpoints set up along National Road 34 reportedly allow Mr. Raveloson’s trucks to pass without inspection. The simple phrase “goods belonging to the MP” reportedly prompts barriers to lift—something not afforded to other operators.
The current regional governor confirmed that he has never seen a single receipt proving Mr. Raveloson has paid any dues. “We don’t know what to do,” he told us.
When we asked Mr. Raveloson about these claims, he categorically denied them. He dismissed the allegations as politically motivated attacks meant to discredit him. Without providing proof, he insisted that his generosity—such as distributing seeds to farmers—justifies his strict control over collection zones.
A deputy mayor in Malaimbandy estimated that unpaid royalties could fund the construction of a two-room school for 100 students annually. He believes Mr. Raveloson collects up to 3,000 tons of paddy in his commune. The mayor of Malaimbandy now resides outside Menabe, fearing for his safety. He told us that his life had been threatened and attempts were made to remove him in favor of a Special Delegation President (PDS), though unsuccessfully. His deputy now handles day-to-day affairs.
What Is the State Doing?
Farmers and operators, we spoke with feel helpless. They fear nothing can challenge the enormous power Mr. Raveloson has amassed. Yet two complaints have been filed with BIANCO against the former MP, based on the practices outlined in this article. Following these complaints, BIANCO investigators visited in September 2017, resulting in two official reports submitted to the Morondava Court (PV No. 16/17 and 17/17, dated 21/09/2017).
The Menabe Regional Director of Trade also reported the situation to the ministry after observing it firsthand. Then-Minister of Trade Tazafy Armand visited Morondava on June 9, 2017, and publicly condemned Mr. Raveloson’s practices during a press conference.
However, one local operator told us he saw the same minister later that evening in Mr. Raveloson’s vehicle. Representatives of the National Competition Council also came to Morondava following complaints and a report from the regional trade center. They held a meeting to explain Madagascar’s competition laws to local operators. Yet despite their visit, no concrete action has since been taken to break Mr. Raveloson’s de facto monopoly. Some operators speculate the case was quietly buried.
Former MP and Son Held in Pre-Trial Detention
On April 23, 2019, Mr. Raveloson and his son were arrested in Mahabo by law enforcement. Their house was searched, and firearms, ammunition, and cash were seized. The next day, April 24, they appeared in court. They remain in pre-trial detention pending judgment.
A senior army officer, speaking anonymously, told us the former MP offered him a large sum of money to avoid arrest, which he declined. The verdict in their case is still awaited.
Legal Framework Potentially Violated
There is strong legal grounding to challenge the misconduct in Menabe. Madagascar has clear laws regulating product collection, including Decree 65-046 of February 10, 1965, and Ministerial Order No. 5912-MPCA/93. The legal framework for fair competition is outlined in Law No. 2005-020 of October 17, 2005. Additionally, Law 2014-020 of September 27, 2014 governs local government resources, tax collection, and administrative functioning.
Cover photo source : https://x.com/ndaoitravel/
